By Tarek Kteleh
After years of frostiness, U.S.-Turkey relations could be warming again.
With Russian aggression on the rise and the Middle East in a state of tumult, U.S. national security interests require in Turkey a partner that bridges the continents of Europe and Asia — an analysis that appears to complement Turkish national security needs.
The “thaw” started in October 2021, when President Biden and Recep Tayyip Erdogan discussed their interests as NATO members and trading partners. By April 2022, the Biden administration was already moving forward with a new U.S.-Turkey Strategic Mechanism, which would cement the nations’ joint stance against Russia following Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine.
These diplomatic achievements helped assuage concerns about a permanent Turkish tilt toward Russia. Turkey is a NATO ally. Yet some analysts had begun to question the viability of the partnership.
Turkish feelings were sore from the view that NATO hasn’t always backed Turkey to the extent it should. When Ankara shot down a trespassing Russian fighter jet in 2016, NATO defended Turkey’s right to self-defense. But when Putin threatened retaliation, NATO’s secretary general merely issued a milquetoast request for “calm and de-escalation.”
Not long after, Turkey decided to buy advanced Russian S-400 surface-to-air missile systems, defying both the United States and NATO. Washington responded by shutting off Ankara’s supply of F-35 fighter jets.
But Russia’s attempted courtship failed. That was due to the priority Putin placed on his alliance with Syrian dictator Bashar Assad. The source of the rupture dates to a May 2017 deal between Russia, Iran and Turkey to establish four de-escalation zones in the Syrian civil war. The Turks thought the agreement could be the beginning of a mutually beneficial partnership.
But the ink had scarcely dried before Putin reneged and helped Assad seize the zones. Assad, aided by Russian airstrikes, then attacked Idlib, a vulnerable region home to some 30,000 Syrian rebels and 2.9 million civilians caught in the crossfire. Turkey demanded a cease-fire, but both Putin and Assad shrugged off the request.
Given this history of treachery, Putin shouldn’t be surprised to find Turkey supporting Ukraine and warming to the United States. In February 2022, at Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s request, Ankara blocked Russian warships from entering the Black Sea. Meanwhile, with 25 million tons of grain foundering in Europe’s bread-basket, Turkey has helped Ukraine export food from three ports, including Odessa.
America should reward Turkey’s gestures. That means rolling back the sanctions imposed after Ankara’s purchase of Russia’s S-400s and supplying Turkey with F-35s. It means displaying greater sensitivity toward Ankara’s concerns about the United States fighting alongside the Syrian Kurds’ People’s Protection Units (YPG), which have ties to Ankara’s primary enemy, the terrorist group known as the PKK. And it means pushing the U.S.-Turkey Strategic Mechanism.
Strengthening America’s partnership with Turkey could also help avoid a humanitarian catastrophe. Millions of Syrian refugees reside in Turkey, and more and more Turks have vocalized support for sending those refugees back. Guidance from American officials could ensure that, if Turkey does resettle refugees, it’s done with as much care as possible.
Accomplishing these goals will require a shared understanding of both sides’ legitimate security concerns. Building that trust will have massive payoffs.
Dr. Tarek Kteleh is a practicing medical doctor and president of Rheumatology of Central Indiana. He is the author of The Six Pillars of Advocacy: Embrace Your Cause and Transform Lives. This piece originally ran in InsideSources.com
